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58

The colonial powers trained many physicians, pharmacists,

midwives, nurses, and healthcare workers.They built a num-

ber of medical centers – hospitals, dispensaries -- in their

colonies and protectorates. They developed research labo-

ratories in both Europe and Africa, most notably to fight

against small pox, leprosy, yellow fever, trypanosomiasis,

malaria, and onchocerciasis, etc. But they neglected to study

African beliefs, save to summarily skim over them, insuffi-

ciently appreciating certain behaviours rooted in long-stand-

ing mentalities. They failed to comprehend social realities.

For example, they insisted more on practical training, and

less on theoretical medical knowledge [1, 8].

Despite change after World War I, the vision of superior-

ity did not favour the relationship between the sick and the

colonial physicians. Moreover, indigenous physicians were

less esteemed than European medical doctors. The march

toward independence contributed to a deeper implantation

of colonial medicine. Indigenous physicians were incapa-

ble of continuing the practice of the new medicine because

scientific training requires the transition from ignorance,

prejudice and culturally-specific beliefs to the objective

knowledge derived from experimental science. But the lack

of understanding of African perceptions of illness, death, hy-

giene and health did not allow one to penetrate indigenous

lifestyles and the spread of

disease.As

in Europe, it was only

the point of view of the colonizer -- or rather that of physi-

cians and administrators -- which was considered.Whereas

one recognizes that a health program reaches its goal if it

succeeds in modifying the behaviours of people toward bet-

ter health, so with the participation of populations health

policy succeeds.

Conclusion

Even when colonial medicine abandoned ideology, and be-

came scientific, it was not possible to study African attitudes

towards medicine. It is important to examine attitudes in or-

der to comprehend the rapid change in Africa today, notably

to better manage health programs. Unfortunately, physicians

often refuse to collaborate with historians. The latter are

able to analyze the evolution of attitudes over the long term.

An analysis of African conceptions of hygiene could help to

avoid at least 50 per cent of ailments, because one would be

able to discover how people understand hygiene-related ill-

ness. Perhaps we have to compare the actions of genies and

bad spirits to those of microbes, and to compare prevention

to that which we call “

blindage magique

” --a magical screen

that serves as a barrier to illnesses. In any case, the future

of African medicine depends upon a fuller understanding of

African attitudes to medical practice.

*I wish to thank Gregory Shaya and Penny Paterson for im-

proving the readability of my english.

Bibliography

1.

Bado JP, (1996), Médecine coloniale et grandes endémies en Afrique, Paris,

Karthala, France.

2.

Beck A, (1981), Medicine, tradition, and development in Kenya and Tanzania

1920-1970, Massachusetts, Crossroad Press, USA.

3.

Domergue-Cloarec, D. (1986), La santé en Côte d’Ivoire,Association des publi-

cations de l’universitéToulouse –le Mirail, 1986, tome 1, France.

4.

 Thuillier P, (1980), Le petit savant illustré, Paris, Seuil, France.

5.

Rosny E de, (1992), L’Afrique des guérisons, Paris, Karthala, France.  

6.

CicoureI AV, (1985), Raisonnement et diagnostic : le rôle du discours et de la

compréhension clinique en médecine, Actes des recherches en sciences sociales,

60, 1985, vol 1, 79-89.                      

7.

Claude Bernard, (1865), Introduction à l’étude de la médecine expérimentale,

Paris, JB Baillières et fils, France.

8.

Illife J.,(1998), East African doctors a History of Modern profession, Cam-

bridge University Press, UK, 1998.

Doenças, agentes patogénicos, atores, instituições e visões da medicina tropical