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100

Introduction

Failure is not the usual focus of historical inquiry. As U.S.

President John F. Kennedy remarked in a military context,

“Victory has a hundred fathers and defeat is an orphan” [1].

To paraphrase that: histories of success generate a hundred

historical inquiries, but histories of failure, such as is pre-

sented here, are rare. However, histories of failure clarify

choices and opportunities, and demonstrate how the inad-

equacies of routine and accepted ways of doing things move

us toward creativity and innovation.The history of failure in

this case involves the ancient disease of typhus, the Rockefel-

ler Foundation and Spain in 1940 and 1941.

Typhus was at the time a disease that had been studied ex-

tensively in both its cause and effect. A recent article has

noted that the “two milestone discoveries” regarding typhus

occurred in 1909, when Stanislaus von Prowazek discovered

“the causative agent of epidemic typhus fever,” later named

Rickettsia prowazekii

by S. Burt Wolbach; and when Charles

Nicolle identified of the human body louse as the means of

transmitting typhus from person to person. [2] It also was

known by that time that the human body louse had adapted

not only to human bodies as environments, but also to the

comforts of human clothing.

As a matter of history, typhus was understood to flourish

in dense urban environments, during warfare, and in prison

and refugee situations – any time that people were in pro-

longed close contact and especially when their normal de-

fenses were reduced by other diseases and poor nutrition.

WorldWar I had produced those situations, and typhus had

been

rampant.At

the onset ofWorldWar II public health of-

ficials and military planners anticipated major typhus out-

breaks, yet in the ensuing twenty years there had been lit-

tle progress in understanding how to control typhus. The

fundamental anti-typhus strategy by the outbreak of World

War II remained sanitation: making the human body louse’s

human environment less hospitable by encouraging physical

cleanliness with soap and hot water; by fumigating infested

clothing and bedding with steam or hot air; and by using

insecticides not toxic to humans, such as rotenone.Although

strategies based on sanitation were effective if consistently

enforced, they were primarily responses to epidemics, and

did not prevent them.

This was the background for the Rockefeller Foundation’s

interest in typhus as it geared up to work in concert with the

United States government to prepare for a global explosion

of typhus after the beginning of WorldWar II. The Founda-

tion was in many respects better prepared to engage the dis-

ease than the U.S. government or any other international

organization, such as the Red Cross. Only the Institutes Pas-

teur had a similar global reach. Created in 1913, the Foun-

dation had from the beginning focused on public health and

epidemic disease. It had established or funded public health

research institutes in North America, Europe, South Ameri-

ca and East Asia, and had conducted disease-control demon-

strations throughout the world. [3]While most of its control

work had focused on hookworm (ankylostomiasis), yellow

fever, malaria, and tuberculosis, the Foundation recognized

typhus as a major

problem.At

the beginning ofWorldWar II

it established the Rockefeller Foundation Health Commis-

sion as an agency “to render services in the public health field

to regions afflicted with public health problems related to

the war… A study of nutritional problems and control of

possible epidemics are among its chief concerns” [4: 116] At

that time the Foundation revealed that it had “an active inter-

est in typhus,” and that it was testing “seven different types of

typhus vaccine” [4: 116].The Foundation also stated that:

In spite of the fact that it is an age-old problem, our ba-

sic knowledge regarding [typhus] is far from

adequate.We

know in a general way that it is spread from person to per-

son by means of the body louse and that it develops rapidly

with devastating results when people are crowded together

under unsanitary conditions and when there is a heavy louse

infestation… But we do not know how best to control or

eradicate louse breeding under war conditions

[5:21].

The typhus program of the

Rockefeller Foundation

It is useful to begin the story of the Rockefeller Foundation’s

typhus program with observations and recommendations

made by John H. Janney in December 1941, just after the

United States entered the war. Janney brought to his obser-

vations the perspective of a Rockefeller public health officer

for more than two decades. After remarking that “it is im-

portant that typhus is increasing rapidly in Europe,” Janney

summarized the situation facing the Allies: “the control of

typhus is a responsibility which Great Britain andThe United

States will have to face in winning the war. Neither of these

countries has, at the moment, personnel trained in anti-ty-

phus work with experience more recent than 1921. Little

has been added to the knowledge of the part played by lice

in transmitting the disease and delousing methods are not

improved over those used twenty years ago”. Faced with this

situation, Janney called for an “immediate and serious im-

provement in our epidemiological, entomological, and tech-

nical control knowledge of typhus.” [6]

1

The Rockefeller Foundation had established a modest anti-

typhus program in 1940 by connecting with the Harvard

University laboratory of Hans Zinsser, who had for many

years been investigating the family of

Rickettsia

microbes and

had already published his classic historical work,

Rats, Lice

and History

[7]. In that book Zinsser argued that much of hu-

man history has been shaped by epidemic disease, and that

typhus in warfare had killed more soldiers than were killed

by enemy action [5:20-21]. Zinsser had worked out a meth-

Políticas e redes internacionais de saúde pública no século XX